Read the research article and answer the question given on the uploaded research template.
Reading of a Research Article
Part I:
Complete the following information and questions as you read the Research Article.

Title of Article


Is the article considered recent?

______ No

Topic of study

Is this a clinical study? Is this a summary of information from other studies?

Authors of Study

Who wrote conclusions based on study (studies)?

Subjects in Study

Who are the participants in the study? Age? Grade level?

Type of Readers in Study

Below grade level?
On grade level?
Above grade level?


What is the study trying to prove or document?

Summary of Findings

Is the hypothesis proven or supported by the research?
If not, what are the findings?


Can this research inform your teaching practice?
If so how? If nor, why not?
Part II:
Answer the question based on the reading of the research article.
What is the big idea or take away from the article?
How would you use the information in the article to be more effective in the classroom?
What from the article would you incorporate into the LEA approach?
6 AMERIcAN EdUcATOR | WINTER 2008-2009
By R. Malatesha Joshi, Rebecca Treiman,
Suzanne Carreker, and Louisa C. Moats
n 1773, Noah Webster stated that “spelling is the foundation
of reading and the greatest ornament of writing.”1 he was
right. Good spelling is critical for literacy, and it makes writ-
ing much easier—allowing the writer to focus on the ideas
to be conveyed, not the letters needed to put those ideas on paper.
But ever since Webster’s “spellers” (which focused on how to spell
the sounds that make up words and thus taught spelling and read-
ing simultaneously) went out of fashion in the early 1900s, spell-
ing has not received as much attention as reading. This is unfor-
tunate because spelling instruction underpins reading success
by creating an awareness of the sounds that make up words and
the letters that spell those sounds. As children learn to spell, their
knowledge of words improves and reading becomes easier.2 And
yet, even though there is a close relationship between reading
and spelling (the correlation between the two is quite strong,3
ranging from 0.66 to 0.90, where 0 would indicate no correlation
How Words Cast Their Spell
Spelling Is an Integral Part of Learning the Language,
Not a Matter of Memorization
and 1 would indicate a perfect correlation), spelling in the ele-
mentary grades is usually taught as an isolated skill, often as a
visual task.*
Collectively, the authors of this paper have eight decades of
experience helping preservice and inservice teachers improve
their instruction in spelling, reading, and writing. one common
perception we have encountered is that visual memory, analo-
gous to taking a mental picture of the word, is the basis of spelling
skill. Teachers often tell us that they teach spelling by encourag-
ing whole-word memorization (e.g., using flashcards and having
students write words 5 or 10 times) or by asking students to close
their eyes and imagine words. We’ve encountered this percep-
tion that spelling relies on visual memory so many times that we
became curious about when and how it originated—after all, it’s
a far cry from Webster’s spellers. We traced it back to the 1920s:
one of the earliest studies to stress the role of visual memory in
spelling was published in 1926, and it found that deaf children
spelled relatively well compared with normal children of similar
reading experience.4 Based on this study, and the perception that
the relationship between sounds and the letters that spell them
is highly variable, many people concluded that learning to spell
is essentially a matter of rote memorization. Thus, researchers
recommended that spelling instruction emphasize the develop-
ment of visual memory for whole words.5
More recent studies, however, do not support the notion that
visual memory is the key to good spelling.6 Several researchers
have found that rote visual memory for letter strings is limited to
two or three letters in a word.7 In addition, studies of the errors
* Throughout this article, the research and instructional strategies discussed are
about spelling in english; they may not apply to other languages.
R. Malatesha Joshi is professor of literacy education at Texas A&M Uni-
versity, author of numerous books and articles on reading and spelling,
and founding editor of Reading and Writing: An Interdisciplinary Jour-
nal. Rebecca Treiman is Burke and Elizabeth High Baker Professor of
Child Developmental Psychology at Washington University and author
of dozens of studies on reading, writing, and spelling. Suzanne Carreker
is vice president of program development at the Neuhaus Education
Center, author of several language and literacy programs, and a former
teacher and school consultant. Louisa C. Moats is consultant on profes-
sional development and research initiatives for Sopris West Educational
Services; author of several literacy programs, books, and reports, includ-
ing the AFT’s Teaching Reading Is Rocket Science; and a former teacher
and school psychologist.ILL
AMERIcAN EdUcATOR | WINTER 2008-2009 7
children make indicate that something other than visual memory
is at work. If children relied on visual memory for spelling, regu-
lar words (e.g., stamp, sing, strike) and irregular words that are
similar in length and frequency (e.g., sword, said, enough) should
be misspelled equally often. But they are not. Children misspell
irregular words more often than regular words.8
So, if words aren’t memorized visually, how do we spell? That
will be thoroughly explained later in this article. For now, here’s
the short answer: Webster was right not just on the importance
of spelling, but on how to teach it too. Spelling is a linguistic task
that requires knowledge of sounds and letter patterns. Unlike
poor spellers, who fail to make such connections, good spellers
develop insights into how words are spelled based on sound-
letter correspondences,† meaningful parts of words (like the root
bio and the suffix logy), and word origins and history.9 This
knowledge, in turn, supports a specialized memory system—
memory for letters in words. The technical term for this is “ortho-
graphic memory,” and it’s developed in tandem with awareness
of a word’s internal structure—its sounds, syllables, meaningful
parts, oddities, history, and so forth. Therefore, explicit instruc-
tion in language structure, and especially sound structure, is
essential to learning to spell.
Don’t Students Learn to Spell through
flashcards and Writing Words?
Given both the widespread belief that English spelling is irregu-
lar and the previous studies that stressed visual memory for
words, it’s no surprise that many teachers teach spelling by writ-
ing words on flashcards and exposing students to them many
times or by having students write words 5 to 10 times. Unfortu-
nately, the effectiveness of such methods is not well established.
In contrast, studies show that spelling instruction based on the
sounds of language produces good results. For example, to test
whether a visual approach or language-based method is better,
researchers taught spelling to typical second graders using two
different methods: a visual method and a method in which stu-
dents focused on correspondences between sounds and letters.10
After administering lists of words as spelling tests, these investi-
gators drew the attention of the visual group to their errors, wrote
the correct spellings on flashcards, and showed children the cor-
rect spellings. In contrast, the children in the language-based
group were given instruction on the sounds involved in their
misspellings. The group that received the language-based spell-
ing instruction showed significantly greater progress than the
visual group. Similarly, another researcher, after examining five
successful spelling instructional approaches for children with
learning disabilities, observed that the successful programs had
one thing in common: they were all based on structured lan-
guage instruction that explicitly taught principles like sound-
letter correspondences.11 Researchers also have found that
second and third graders at risk of literacy problems improved
their spelling (as well as their word recognition, handwriting,
and composition skills) after structured spelling instruction
based on the concept that speech sounds are represented by
letters in printed words (i.e., the alphabetic principle).12 And a
series of studies showed that training in phonological awareness
(i.e., awareness of the sounds that make up language) improved
the spelling and reading of children in low-income, inner-city
† in technical terms, the smallest sounds of speech are known as phonemes, and
the letters and letter groups that represent them are known as graphemes. So what
we are calling sound-letter correspondences, other authors may refer to as
phoneme-grapheme correspondences.
8 AMERIcAN EdUcATOR | WINTER 2008-2009
schools. The training was especially effective among the lowest-
performing children.13 In sum, these and other studies have
found that effective spelling instruction explicitly teaches stu-
dents sound-spelling patterns. Students are taught to think about
language, allowing them to learn how to spell—not just memo-
rize words.
As a result, linguistically explicit spelling instruction improves
spelling of studied words and novel words. Two exploratory
spelling intervention studies contrasted linguistically explicit
spelling instruction with implicit spelling instruction, and found
that the explicit instruction gave students the knowledge of spell-
ing patterns that they needed to more accurately spell novel
words. In the first study, second- through fourth-grade students
were taught to spell Latin-based words that ended in tion or
sion.14 The students were divided into two groups. one group was
taught to spell the words with an emphasis on the orthographic
patterns tion and sion, but without discussion of the words’
sound patterns. Instead, activities focused students on the words’
visual patterns. For example, students sorted spelling words by
the final endings tion or sion. The second group, which received
linguistically explicit instruction, was taught to spell the words
with a simultaneous emphasis on the orthographic patterns tion
and sion and the sound patterns /shŭ n/ and /zhŭ n/.* For exam-
ple, students sorted words by letter patterns and by sound pat-
terns. The orthographic and sound patterns of the other syllables
in the words, in particular the syllables that preceded tion or sion,
were also emphasized. For example, /shŭ n/ is most frequently
spelled tion. however, after a syllable that ends in /l/, the ending
/shŭ n/ is spelled sion, as in compulsion or expulsion. Compared
with the students in the other group, the students who received
the linguistically explicit instruction were better able to dis-
criminate the sounds /sh/ and /zh/, spell the word endings
correctly, and generalize the spellings of the word endings to
novel words.
In the second study, first-grade students were divided into
two groups.15 Both groups were taught to spell one-syllable words
that ended in /k/. one group was taught to spell the words by
using letter units such as ank, ack, and ake. The other group was
taught to segment the sounds of the words and to think about
the pattern that would determine the spelling of /k/ (e.g., after a
consonant or two vowels, /k/ is spelled k; after a short vowel, /k/
is spelled ck; after a long vowel, /k/ is spelled k with a final e). The
students in the second group spelled the words more accurately
and read them faster.
Is English Predictable Enough for Explicit
Spelling Instruction?
This is a question we hear often. If English spelling were com-
pletely arbitrary, one could argue that visual memorization
would be the only option. however, spelling is not arbitrary.
Researchers have estimated that the spellings of nearly 50 per-
cent of English words are predictable based on sound-letter cor-
respondences that can be taught (e.g., the spellings of the /k/
sound in back, cook, and tract are predictable to those who have
learned the rules). And another 34 percent of words are predict-
able except for one sound (e.g., knit, boat, and two).† If other
information such as word origin and word meaning are consid-
ered, only 4 percent of English words are truly irregular and, as
a result, may have to be learned visually (e.g., by using flashcards
or by writing the words many times).16
Far from being irregular and illogical, to the well-known lin-
guists Noam Chomsky and Morris halle, English is a “near opti-
mal system for lexical representation.”17 how could they possibly
make such a claim? They understand that written language is not
merely speech written down. The major goal of the English writ-
ing system is not merely to ensure accurate pronunciation of the
written word—it is to convey meaning. If words that sound the
same (i.e., homophones such as rain, rein, and reign) were
spelled the same way, their meanings would be harder to dif-
ferentiate. For example, if we regularize the spelling, then the
sentence They rode along the rode and, when they reached the
lake, they rode across it would be hard to understand, while They
rode along the road and, when they reached the lake, they rowed
Researchers have estimated that the
spellings of nearly 50 percent of English
words are predictable based on sound-
letter correspondences that can be
taught. And another 34 percent of words
are predictable except for one sound.
* To aid the reader, sounds of the letters are represented within / / rather than using
the symbols from the international Phonetic alphabet. Thus, /∫/ as in ship is
represented by /sh/, and /t∫/ as in chin is represented by /ch/.
† note that the exception was for one sound, not one letter. For example, only one
sound is wrong if automobile is spelled automobeal or if bite is spelled bight.
(Continued on page 10)
AMERIcAN EdUcATOR | WINTER 2008-2009 9
In the mid-19th century, spelling was the
means by which children were taught to
read. In the 21st century, however,
spelling is the abandoned stepchild in the
family of language arts, overlooked by
federal grants such as Reading first,
federal and state assessment policies,
state program-adoption guidelines,
publishers of comprehensive instructional
programs, and the educational research
community. The reasons for this are many,
including the dominance of the “writers’
workshop” approach to composition, in
which spelling instruction is contextual-
ized, nonsystematic, and reactive (since it
often just addresses students’ errors). In
addition, many assumptions about the
nature of spelling—including the
widespread belief that spelling is a rote
visual-memory skill—are misinformed.
Knowledge of spelling, contrary to many
people’s expectations, is closely related to
reading, writing, and vocabulary develop-
ment, as they all rely on the same
underlying language abilities.1
spelling is most obviously connected to
writing. A consistent research finding is
that poor spelling, in addition to causing
the writer frustration and embarrassment,
adversely affects composition and
transmission of ideas.2 On the whole,
students who spell poorly write fewer
words3 and write compositions of lower
quality. Writers who struggle to remem-
ber spelling often limit themselves to
words they can spell, losing expressive
power. In addition, nonautomatic spelling
drains attention needed for the concep-
tual challenges of planning, generating
ideas, formulating sentences, and
monitoring one’s progress. The written
work of poor spellers, moreover, is judged
more harshly than that of students who
present neat, correctly spelled work.
Readers expect accurate spelling as a
courtesy of communication, and inaccu-
rate spelling may result in poor grades or
poor job evaluations.
Although not as obvious, the develop-
ment of spelling is also intimately
connected with the development of
reading.4 Knowledge of speech sounds
and their spellings, and fluent use of this
knowledge, are necessary for both word
reading and spelling. Young children
become better readers and spellers when
explicit instruction in speech sound
awareness and sound-letter correspon-
dence is emphasized in kindergarten and
first grade.5
Good spellers are almost always good
readers. spelling, however, is more
difficult than reading. We generally
cannot accurately spell words we cannot
read. On the other hand, since most of us
spend much more time
reading than writing, we typi-
cally read many more words
than we spell. Poor spellers
need dozens of opportunities
to write difficult words
before they can remember
them. Indeed, poor spellers
(who form the majority of
students in many high-pov-
erty schools) in the intermedi-
ate and middle grades make
many spelling errors that
reflect poor understanding of
word structure, even when
they can read in the average
If we do learn to spell a
word, the mental representa-
tion of all the letters in that
word are fully specified in
memory, and recall is likely to
be fluent and accurate.
Recognition of words “by sight” is
facilitated by knowing the details of
sound-letter correspondence in the
spelling system.7 Good spellers are also
familiar with the patterns and constraints
of English spelling8 and use that knowl-
edge to help them remember specific
letters in specific words. On the other
hand, general “visual” cues, such as the
configuration or outside contour of a
word in print, are not very helpful for
either recognizing or recalling printed
words. (see the main article for more on
language-based versus visual spelling
spelling also has a strong relationship
with reading comprehension.9 The
correlation between spelling and reading
comprehension is high because both
depend on a common denominator:
proficiency with language. The poorer a
child’s language abilities, the poorer that
child’s spelling will tend to be.10 The more
deeply and thoroughly a student knows a
word, the more likely he or she is to
recognize it, spell it, define it, and use it
appropriately in speech and writing.
systematic spelling lessons (such as
with the programs highlighted on page
14) provide an opportunity to learn to
think analytically about words and
language. The attention to detail
required by comparison and differentia-
tion of words like flush, flesh, fresh, and
thresh11 nurtures a more generalized
consciousness about words that in turn
encourages careful consideration of all
aspects of language.
At its best, spelling instruction richly
supports vocabulary and language
development. Good spellers not only
demonstrate a good sense of the sounds
in words, they also have a good sense of
the meaningful parts of words (e.g., un-,
desir[e], -able), the roles words play in
sentences (e.g., packed is a past-tense
verb, but pact is a noun), and the relation-
ships among words’ meanings that exist
in spite of differences in their sounds (e.g.,
image and imagination). Precocious
spellers in the scripps National spelling
bee display exceptional knowledge of
vocabulary, etymology (the history of
words), and parts of speech. A wide, deep
knowledge base underlies what on the
surface may seem like a “simple” skill. Not
all children can win spelling bees, but all
can benefit from knowing how spelling
reflects word origin, meaning, and
–R.M.j., R.T., s.c., and L.c.M.
The Real Magic of Spelling:
Improving Reading and Writing
(Endnotes on page 43)
The correlation between spelling
and reading comprehension is
high because both depend on a
common denominator: proficiency
with language. The more deeply
and thoroughly a student knows a
word, the more likely he or she is to
recognize it, spell it, define it, and
use it appropriately in speech and
10 AMERIcAN EdUcATOR | WINTER 2008-2009
across it makes sense. In addition, the English writing system
reveals the history of the English language. For example, ch pro-
nounced as /ch/, as in chair or chief, appears in Anglo-Saxon or
old English words; the same letter combination ch pronounced
as /sh/, as in chef and chauffeur, appears in French words of Latin
origin; and ch pronounced as /k/, as in ache and orchid, appears
in words borrowed from Greek. Approximately 20 percent to 25
percent of English words are of Anglo-Saxon origin and about 60
percent are of Latin origin (of which 50 percent are directly from
Latin and another 10 percent are from Latin
through French, as in chef and chauffeur). The
remaining 15 to 20 percent of English words are
primarily of Greek origin.*
What Types of Information Make
Spelling Predictable?
There are three types of information that, once
learned, make spelling much more predictable:
(1) word origin and history, (2) syllable patterns
and meaningful parts of words, and (3) letter
patterns. Each of these is discussed briefly below;
suggestions on when and how to teach them are
in the sections that follow.
Word Origin and History
Knowing the origins of words can be helpful in pronouncing and
spelling them.18 For example, in words of Greek origin, which
tend to be long and scientific, /f/ is reliably spelled ph, as in pho-
tosynthesis and philodendron, and /k/ is often spelled ch, as in
chlorophyll and chemistry. Fancy French words use that same ch
combination for the /sh/ sound, as in champagne and chande-
lier, but Anglo-Saxon uses sh, as in ship and wish, while sophis-
ticated Latin words use ti, si, or ci, as in nation, percussion, and
Let’s take a little closer look at words of Anglo-Saxon origin.
They are typically short, related to daily life (as opposed to sci-
ence, like a lot of Greek words, or lofty ideas, like a lot of Latin
words), and often have silent letters that were once pronounced
(e.g., knee, gnat, ghost, climb, wrist). The pronunciations of the
words changed over time, but the spellings did not—they con-
tinue to convey the earlier pronunciations. As students learn to
spell these words, they may enjoy using a special Anglo-Saxon
pronunciation to help them remember the silent letters. This
pronunciation cues students to the correct spellings of the words.
Students also can make connections among words that have
similar meanings but that vary in whether or not they have silent
letters. For example, in remembering how to spell words with a
silent w, such as wrist, wring, and wrench, it is helpful for stu-
dents to note that these words share the meaning “twist.”
The spellings of some words are unusual because of their
associations with certain historical figures. For instance, caesar-
ean is associated with Julius Caesar, who is said to have been
delivered through surgery, and silhouette can be traced to Eti-
enne de Silhouette, a French finance minister in the middle of
the 1700s who was known for his shady deals. Leotard, a garment
worn by acrobats and dancers, was named for Jules Léotard, a
19th-century French aerialist. Similarly, pasteurize comes from
Louis Pasteur, the famous French chemist and microbiologist,
and galvanize from Luigi Galvani, an Italian physician and physi-
cist. Maverick comes from Sam Maverick, who refused to brand
his cattle; hence a maverick is someone who is different, out of
the ordinary. other words come not from historical figures but
from other words (especially, as we have seen, Latin and Greek
words). For example, radical means root, hence radish means
edible root. And anthology literally means flower gathering; thus,
an anthology editor is supposed to have gathered the choicest
flowers in the field.†
Syllable Patterns and Meaningful Parts of Words
There are two common types of syllables, called closed and open,
that are very helpful in spelling.19 A closed syllable has one vowel
followed by at least one consonant and the vowel is short (e.g.,
cat, ball, and pencil). An open syllable ends in one vowel and the
vowel is long (e.g., he, go, and the first syllable in hotel). Learning
about open and closed syllables is especially helpful for deciding
whether or not to double a consonant in the middle of a word. If
students have been taught about closed and open syllables, then
they know why rabbit is spelled with two b’s in the middle while
label is spelled with only one. The word rabbit divides between
the two consonants, rab/bit. The first syllable, rab, is closed, and
the vowel is pronounced as a short a. The word label divides
before the consonant, la/bel. The first syllable, la, is open, and
the vowel is pronounced with a long a sound. Known as the “rab-
bit rule,” it’s a simple formula to remember: in a two-syllable
word, there’s a double consonant in the middle after a short
vowel.20 Instead of memorizing whether to use one or two con-
sonants in the middle of words like cotton, tennis, sudden, muffin,
and happen, students can use the rabbit rule. of course, there
are exceptions, such as cabin, robin, lemon, and camel, but these
words are not as frequent as words that follow the rabbit rule.
Knowledge of the meaningful parts of words—prefixes, suf-
fixes, and roots—is of great help in the development of spelling
(and vocabulary). Technically, what we’re talking about here are
known as morphemes—they are the smallest meaningful units
in words. When the units have meaning by themselves, such as
the words cat and play, they are referred to as free morphemes.
The major goal of the English writing
system is not merely to ensure accurate
pronunciation of the written word—it is
to convey meaning. If words that sound
the same (e.g., rain, rein, and reign)
were spelled the same way, their mean-
ings would be harder to differentiate.
* for more on the history of English, see “how spelling supports Reading” by Louisa
c. Moats in the Winter 2005-06 issue of American Educator, online at
† an excellent reference for words from various languages, words from Greek and
Latin roots, and words from names is r. L. Venezky, The American Way of Spelling:
The Structure and Origins of American English Orthography (new York: Guilford
Press, 1999).
(Continued from page 8)
AMERIcAN EdUcATOR | WINTER 2008-2009 11
however, cats has two morphemes—a free morpheme cat and a
bound morpheme s. Bound morphemes do not have meaning
by themselves; they take on meaning when attached to a free
morpheme (another example is the ed in played).
Teaching morphemes often requires more information on
word origin. For example, when teaching the spellings of words
with the suffixes er and or, which mean one who, as in worker or
actor, teachers can tell their students that words from old Eng-
lish are basic survival words. Words such as worker, carpenter,
farmer, grocer, baker, brewer, and butcher are old English and
use er, whereas words of Latin origin are more sophisticated and
use or, as in actor, professor, educator, aviator, director, and
counselor. The same principle applies to the suffixes able and
ible, both meaning able to. We use able for old English base
words and ible for Latin roots. Thus, we have passable, laughable,
breakable, agreeable, and punishable, as compared to edible,
audible, credible, visible, and indelible.‡
Letter Patterns in Words
Knowledge of letter patterns in words provides students with
clues for spelling. English has certain constraints on how letters
can be used. For example, q is almost always followed by u and
then another vowel, as in queen and quail. Exceptions are mostly
proper nouns borrowed from other languages, like Qatar and
Iraq. Another example of a letter pattern is the rule that words
do not end with v; hence we have give, love, and live, with kiev
being an exception because it is borrowed from Russian. Also,
certain letters never or rarely double in any position, such as h,
k, j, v, x, and y. A final example of a letter pattern is that words do
not begin with identical consonants, llama being one of the few
exceptions because of its Spanish origin. Even young children
often follow this pattern, although they are unable to verbalize
it. For example, researchers asked kindergartners and first grad-
ers to tell which item looked more like a real word: nuss or nnus.21
A majority of children were able to identify correctly that nuss
looks more like a real word. As noted in this and other studies,
first graders do not often begin words with ck or with letter com-
binations like bc.22
Students need not learn all of the possible letter patterns, but
they should learn the letter patterns that frequently represent
speech sounds. For instance, /k/ in initial or medial position can
be spelled with c or k. Before a, o, u, or any consonant, /k/ is
spelled c (e.g., cat, cot, cut, clasp, crust). Before e, i, or y, /k/ is
spelled k (e.g., keep, kite, sky). (one mnemonic device that is help-
ful involves the four criteria that are used for evaluating diamonds.
The four c’s stand for carat, color, cut, and clarity or, when applied
to spelling, /k/ is spelled with c before a, o, u, or any consonant.)
of course, there are exceptions to this pattern, such as kangaroo,
skunk, and skate. By discovering exceptions, students can dem-
onstrate and reinforce their understanding of patterns. Students
may discover the exceptions on their own, or teachers may point
them out and teach these words through mnemonic sentences
(e.g., The kangaroo and the skunk like to skate) rather than asking
students to visually memorize these words.
Clearly, there is a great deal for students to learn, but it is
manageable when spread over several years. The next two sec-
tions provide an overview of what to teach in the elementary and
middle grades, and suggestions for how to deliver …

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